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their late teens, twenties and thirties. They bought fewer garments and often spent less per garment than younger people. But emerging from this group is the new middle youth market as they are sometimes referred to, who have a greater interest in health, fashion and shopping, and whose members, particularly the women, are a potentially lucrative market for the retailer who can offer the right formula. Going against this tradition of being the lowest spenders on clothing, in recent years, the spending of the 55 64 year olds has risen dramatically, particularly that of women. This increase is expected to continue as they bene t from inheritance money from older relatives. Most older groups, particularly towards the higher end of the age bracket, are not as interested in fashion as in comfort and quality of clothes. They buy fewer and lower priced items than younger people. However, price is now becoming less signi cant and service levels are of increasing importance. There are now more magazines aimed at them and a somewhat improved choice of merchandise in the shops. Such people are in uenced in their fashion attitudes by their growing af uence and are more aware of different styles. This is mainly due to having been brought up in the post-war boom years. Retailers aiming to serve this older market are responding with updated classic ranges, particularly for women. There is, however, still an opportunity to stimulate more menswear sales to older consumers by updating ranges and retail presentation.

Is it possible that you made a mistake An answer of, No, it is not possible for me to have made a mistake will, at best, sound arrogant And a simple answer of No is not too dissimilar in effect The word possible is inserted into the question in order to get an af rmative answer from the witness or, if that fails, to undermine his or her credibility If it works, the witness has said what the lawyer wanted him or her to say And if it does not work, the witness is less credible The witness is in a no win situation Of course a witness might respond: Your Honour it is, of course, possible that I made a mistake I make no claims to perfection.

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Doing so reduces his short-run profits (because he restricts the current number of cows), but maximises his long-run profits (because the field stays in good shape, and he can keep grazing cattle well into the future) On the other hand, think about the incentives that people face when considering the publicly held field on which anyone can graze their cattle Because the field is commonly owned, you don t have to pay for the right to put a cow out to graze So everyone is going to want to put some cattle out there because the personal cost of doing so is nothing But because everyone is thinking the same thing, the field is soon overrun with cattle and ruined as they eat all the grass and turn it into a big, muddy mess.

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But, given that I studied the subject-matter very closely, carefully, in excellent conditions, and con rmed my conclusion in writing immediately it is highly unlikely that I made a mistake Few witnesses will be suf ciently assertive, prepared and competent to make such a response Indeed, if the lawyer suspected that the witness was that competent then he.

So, although putting a cow out to graze on a common field incurs no personal cost, a social cost is incurred Each additional cow causes damage to the field damage that reduces the future productivity of the field The difference between what happens to the private field versus the common field is totally the result of the different property rights governing the two types of land In the case of privately owned fields, farmers have an incentive to weigh the costs as well as the benefits of putting more cattle out to graze In particular, they take into account how much future profits are going to be reduced if current overgrazing ruins the future usability of the field With the commonly held field, however, nobody has a personal incentive to preserve its future usability.

by the sensors [193] Each sensor can sense the presence or absence of such types of danger A danger con guration protocol runs across all the nodes of the network generating a danger map In this map, the dangerous areas detected by the sensor network are represented as obstacles Those obstacles will have negative values and the destination will have a positive value according to some metric The danger map is generated by a potential eld protocol that works as follows [193]: Each node whose sensor triggers danger diffuses the information about the danger to its neighbors in a message that includes its source node id, the potential value and the number of hops from the source of the message to the current node.

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In fact, the incentives are actually horribly perverse because if the common field is currently lush with grass, your incentive is to put as many of your own cattle out there as quickly as possible to eat up all the grass before the field is ruined And because everyone else sees things the same way, a mad rush ensues to put as many cattle out to graze as quickly as possible The result, of course, is that the field is rapidly ruined for everyone You can view the Tragedy of the Commons as a case of negative externalities If you see lush grass on the common field, you rush to put out as many of your own cattle as possible without considering the damage that overgrazing causes to the field The same is true of everyone else.

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